THE MAKING OF A SOUTHERN JOURNALIST

Rosaleen Salvo
Colby College Waterville, Maine 04901

 

SUMMARY

Beginning in the last decade of the nineteenth century, Elizabeth Meriwether Gilmer, or, as she is better known by her pen name, Dorothy Dix, began her career as a journalist. She quickly became one of the most influential arbitrators of manners and morals of her time. How was she, a carefully bred southern Victorian woman, trained, as were most nineteenth century women, to be submissive and domestic, able to be assertive and public to a degree seldom possible for even the advantaged white male? Part of the answer lies in her family's heritage. For hundreds of years the Meriwethers had helped to rule society to set the standards. Dix was able to identify with this class affiliation and separate herself out somewhat from her identity with her sex.

The Meriwether heritage was indeed impressive. Their ruling status can be traced back for at least one thousand years. When they came to colonial Virginia they immediately floated to the top of their society through their control of land. A similar pattern developed as the New Nation took shape and the Meriwethers moved westward into Kentucky and Tennessee. Even the Civil War did not end their dominant position in society. Dix's father, W. D. Meriwether, became a successful businessman in the post Civil War South and provided for Dix a family context of community leadership throughout her early years of life. Dix was able to internalize this socialized experience of her family's authoritative position in society and transform it into a firm and assertive manner in her career path.

 THE MAKING OF A SOUTHERN JOURNALIST

Dorothy Dix was an immensely successful journalist. After five years of writing her own column for the New Orleans Picayune, in 1901 Randolph Hearst lured her to his New York Journal with the promise of a significantly increased salary. He also changed her work. Her responsibilities would be two fold. For the first time Dix would publicly and directly answer questions that readers sent in to the paper. Additionally, Hearst had her write about sensational murder investigations that enabled him to splash her byline across his front page. These activities widened Dix's fame and influence. Her daily audience ran into the millions as she became syndicated to, eventually, hundreds of other newspapers. Her name became a household word and her salary continued to rise until by 1910 she became the highest paid journalist of her time. She achieved a rare degree of popularity among the reading public. At the height of her popularity, Dix's influence was enormous. She was the most widely read journalist of her time. Throughout the late nineteenth century daily newspapers operated as powerful shapers of public opinion. Dix wrote to an audience of more than 60,000,000 people. Her column appeared in more than 200 newspapers in the United States alone. It was also common to find her column outside of the United States. Great Britain, Australia, China, Mexico, Panama, Bermuda, Hawaii, Philippine Islands, Puerto Rico, Ontario, Quebec, Nova Scotia, Manitoba, New Brunswick, British Columbia, Saskatchewan, Alberta, and Prince Edward Island all carried her column.

The Lynds, a highly respected team of sociologists researching the social influences on an average American midwestern town during the 1920s, found that Dix influenced the townspeople more than any other single agency. They wrote that, "Day after day two columns of syndicated advice...appear in the leading Middletown paper from this elderly lady...This is perhaps the most potent single agency of diffusion from without shaping the habits of thought of Middletown in regard to marriage and possibly represents Middletown's views on marriage more completely than any other one available source. Her influence reached high, even into the United States Supreme Court. A Justice wrote to her saying, "I have just finished reading one of your essays. I have always admired them and have wondered how one person could give so many sound views on so many problems and argue them so ably." Dix's career spanned five decades and her writing took on many twists and turns. As a journalist with a world renowned advice column, Dorothy Dix acted as a public consultant to millions of people. Seemingly, she unhesitatingly instructed her audience on how to live, whom to love, how to raise children, how and where to work, how to act, what to believe, and on and on. She did not quail at her self assigned task to advise millions of strangers on the most intimate aspects of their lives. She easily assumed an authority that transcended normal Victorian boundaries of propriety.

Dix was born in 1861 on a southern plantation. All nineteenth century American society rigidly defined woman's role; by nature women were inherently inferior of mind and body. Women had to be carefully limited in their behavior. Intellectual work would cause insanity. Public work would define them as immoral creatures. They must instead occupy themselves in their homes or quietly in their churches raising children, doing housework, protecting their family's morality, but, primarily, submitting to their husbands. Because of peculiar aspects of southern history, these roles were especially magnified for southern women.

Dix, of course, was fully enculturated into this Victorian mold. However, the entire projectory of her career contradicted the norms with which she was raised. She not only defied these norms with her career and lifestyle, she also managed to simultaneously maintain her public reputation as she lived a life that repudiated Victorian norms, a rare trick indeed. Dix worked in the public sphere in a career almost closed to women in the late nineteenth century. She did not maintain a home for her husband; she did not submit to the will of her husband; she did not have children. How did she break out of a mold so profoundly pervasive in her world? How was Dix able to move from the limited reality allowed for Victorian women and create for herself a completely antithetical lifestyle.? How was she, a southern woman, able to establish herself as a dominant spokesperson for a significant percentage of her own society? There are certainly a variety of possible explanations for this rare phenomenon. Today I want to address one of the more powerful influences on this aspect of her life, her family's heritage. Much of Dix's easy assumption of authority over the lives of others came from her membership, as a Meriwether, in an elite class that for centuries had possessed the authority to control, to a substantial degree, their society. Dix was able to draw from her socialized family experience of largely unquestioned authority that stretched back for at least a thousand years.

Certainly, much of southern history would contraindicate even this possible interpretation of Dix's assumption of public authority. Women's legal definition in the early colonial Virginia patriarchal hierarchy was that of a servant or slave to her father or husband. The outstanding historian of colonial southern women, Julia Spruill, found in her research that, like in the English family, colonial Virginia white men resided at the heart of the family unit as a master whose authority was absolute. A white, male correspondent to the southern paper, The Spectator, aptly described his own position in society. Nothing is more gratifying to the mind of man than power and dominion; and this I think myself amply possessed of as I am the father of a family. I am perpetually taken up in giving out orders, in prescribing duties, in hearing parties, in administering justice, and in distributing rewards and punishments. To speak in the language of the centurion, I say to one, go, and he goeth; and to another, come, and he cometh; and to my servants, Do this, and he doeth it. In short, sir, I look upon my family as a patriarchal sovereignty, in which I am myself both King and priest. Obviously, southern colonial women found minimal social reinforcement for any assumption of authority over their husbands. However, there was an unacknowledged door left open for some women to operate in the public realm with acceptable power. Class opened this door to a few privileged women.

Class operated differently for men than for women. Society designated a man's class on his relationship to the means of production while women received their class status primarily through their sexual ties to a man who then gave them access to material resources. For upper class women this arrangement obviously proved advantageous. The elite women of Virginia derived enormous advantage from their adherence to the hierarchical social system. In essence they made a silent agreement to accept the exploitation of the slaves and their own sexual, economic, political and intellectual subordination to the men in their lives in exchange for the power advantageous that came with their mate's class. Without question the Meriwethers resided among the elite class of their society both in Virginia and in England.

Meriwethers were members of the ruling class in England as far back as the 10th century (900 AD). Dix's ancestors went back to the European gentry, the aristocracy and at least five royal families [Brian Boru, King of Ireland (1014), Richard I, Duke of Normandy (ca. 900), Alpin, King of Scots (ca. 830), Egbert, King of Wessex (802), and Prince Geyza of Hungary (ca. 980)]. The historical references to the family make clear that from the first mention of their name through almost 1,000 years of English history, they possessed the status and wealth of the English nobility. In England, this class dominated their society. Throughout their many generations in England, the Meriwethers involved themselves in the running of the legal, political, and economic affairs of their society. Telling people how to behave and expecting to be obeyed probably developed into a reflex action. It is not surprising that Dix herself seemed to own this characteristic.

The Meriwether's privileged position within English society had much to do with their successful accumulation of wealth and status in the Virginia colony. Their move to Virginia in the middle of the seventeenth century was more a continuation and an expansion of their previous life style than the wrenching uprooting and replanting experienced by the more typical pioneer. Nicholas Meriwether (1631 1678), the founder of the Meriwether family in America, arrived in the colonies with wealth, education and social connections, sometime in the 1640s. This early Virginia colony was ruled by a small, elite group of privileged Englishmen who controlled the politics, economics and religion of the emerging southern American society. Within a few years Nicholas was himself a member of this ruling elite. In 1653 Col. William Claiborne, Secretary of the Virginia colony and thus a primary advisor to the Governor, appointed Nicholas to the lucrative and responsible position of clerk of the court of Surrey county, a position of power and prestige. This office provided both a large income and a privileged position from which to obtain land, the basis of wealth in the society. By the last decade of the seventeenth century political incumbents owned one third to three quarters of the land patented in most counties of the Virginia colony. Economic concentration in an elite planter class that controlled political power enhanced the authority of this privileged class of large land owners. They passed laws in the Council and House of Burgesses to legally guarantee their control of colonial Virginia. The economic historian, Stuart Bruchey, sums up the hegemonic power of the large landowning, elite planter class to which the Meriwethers belonged:

The owners of broad estates and rich mercantile capitals formed a colonial elite. Mature, static, homogeneous, and ingrown, their families dominated political, economic and social life...Elegant and mannered, in possession of fine brick houses and furnishings, imported clothes, carriages, and other artifact badges of better folk, the elite expected to receive deference from lesser men and women and it was accorded them.

Nicholas (II) Meriwether (1667 1744), the second American generation, became one of the largest landowners in the colony at a time when land was becoming harder to buy due largely to land speculators that created a shortage of relatively cheap land. His resulting wealth brought him elections into the House of Burgesses and appointments to the Vestry of the established Anglican church as well as a privileged social position from which he could amass more wealth. In the 1720s Nicholas Meriwether (II), Peter Jefferson and Robert Walker explored and then bought the entire mountain range of the Southwest Mountains 320,000 acres of prime frontier land (one parcel of 17,952 acres cost Nicholas only $121.80 and a yearly rent of $44.87 for three years totaling $256.41) where Nicholas established the Meriwether estate of Clover Fields, the oldest settlement in that area dating to the early decades of the eighteenth century. Several following Meriwether generations continued to develop this land David Meriwether (1690 1744), Thomas Meriwether (1714 1754), and Nicholas (III) Meriwether (1736 1772), Dix's great great grandfather. They continued the pattern of elite rule in society as the Meriwether immense wealth and prominence in politics allowed them to expand their land base to adjoining plantations on the Southwest Mountains. Nicholas' (III) son, Charles, extended the Meriwether influence when he pioneered the Meriwether move to western Kentucky Tennessee, Dorothy Dix's future home. By the eve of the Revolutionary War more than 50 percent of colonial wealth was owned by the richest 10 percent of the population. In Virginia and Kentucky counties where Meriwethers ruled, a privileged 5 percent ruled without contest from the other 95 percent of the inhabitants; the Meriwethers were among this elite 5 percent. They successfully carried this power over into the post Revolution era. Many of the Meriwether clan participated in the Revolutionary War; most served as officers. This situation profited them considerably since payment usually came in the form of land grants given by the government to veterans of the war. As had been their practice for uncounted generations, the Meriwethers successfully utilized this resource to continue expanding their wealth and status in antebellum southern society. This land fueled their movement westward into Kentucky and Tennessee.

Unlike many elite southern planters, the Meriwethers also successfully bridged the economic and social devastation of the Civil War. Dorothy Dix's father, William Douglas Meriwether, became a successful entrepreneur. As the daughter of a prominent Clarksville businessman, Dorothy Dix's childhood included the story of a privileged daughter of a prosperous businessman; the Meriwether position as members of the elite class continued. Some southern elites reconstructed their power base on the undamaged bedrock of patriarchal authority and continued to dominate their society socially and economically. Although they suffered severe economic losses from the Civil War, such as their slaves, crops, Confederate bonds and considerable personal property, the foundations of the upper class control endured. In the postbellum South, land and knowledge remained intact in the hands of a privileged few. These resources were not redistributed, and it was this land and knowledge that fueled the rise of the southern economy in postbellum middle Tennessee. The Meriwethers built on this.

Contrary to her lifelong protestations of gentile poverty throughout her early years, Elizabeth and her family enjoyed economic and social dominance within the dynamic Clarksville community. Arriving in Clarksville in the late 1860s, W. D. Meriwether had become a leader in the Clarksville business community by the early 1870s. He first associated himself with Turnley, Ely and Company, Tobacco and General Commission Merchants who operated a tobacco business in a fire proof warehouse for several years. In April of 1874, Turnley, Ely and Company built another large shed for the storage of tobacco. They placed this building between their warehouse and a plow factory. Two years later, W. D. Meriwether extended his business interests into the manufacture of plows. Turnley, Ely and Company bought into the McReynolds and Son plow factory in Clarksville in the spring of 1874 to the amount of $15,000. Their immediate intention was to erect a building near their Elephant Warehouse on the river front so that they could enlarge the plow factory to manufacture 10,000 plows per year. The Clarksville Chronicle promoted this new establishment by reminding their readers of the "perfect reliability of the firm." In August of this same year, 1873, the Clarksville Chronicle referred to the plow factory as belonging to Meriwether, McReynolds and Co.

In 1873, the first year of the worst depression the nation had experienced up to that date, when Dix was twelve years old, the Meriwethers moved into a large and beautiful residence in Clarksville. Dix's father paid $6,000 for this house, quite an expensive home for the South in the 1870s. W. D. Meriwether was managing to prosper in spite of the difficult economic times and the eventual bankruptcy of his plow factory. One of his businesses sold "Country Gentlemen" smoking tobacco, a nationally known brand of tobacco at this time. In 1923 the American Tobacco Company bought from W. D. Meriwether the Meriwether Tobacco Company for three million dollars. This is hardly the profile of an impoverished businessman, the description that Dix repeatedly gave of her father. He appeared comfortable with the prosperity that somehow remained with him regardless of the occasional setbacks he encountered in his business ventures. In March of 1878 he began to build a large, brick home on one of Clarksville's main streets, Madison, on a lot adjoining the Baptist church. Utilizing an approach to social domination familiar to the southern elites, this conspicuous consumption emphasized the moral leadership and authority W. D. Meriwether already possessed because of his economic position in his community.

More than in other areas of the United States in the nineteenth century, Southerners created their values and norms primarily around their relations with their families. More than many families in the South, Meriwethers demonstrated strong commitments to their kinship networks. Dix claimed that she seldom encountered anyone except kin throughout the early part of her childhood. Socialization from the perspective of Meriwether tradition played an important role in her character development. Consequently, she was able to draw upon this pool of lived experience that included the easy assumption of authority over others when her career demanded the very unVictorian role of female authority over other men and women.

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Harnett Kane, Dear Dorothy Dix (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1952), pp. 108, 112,113,150.

Ledger Syndicate in Philadelphia Penn., 1929 and 1939, Dorothy Dix Collection, Austin Peay State University, Clarksville, Tennessee; New York Herald Tribune Obituary, 1/17/1951, Dorothy Dix Collection, Austin Peay State University, Clarksville, Tennessee.

Robert S. Lynd and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown; A Study In American Culture (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1956), p.116; Kane p. 10-11; Clarksville, Tennessee, Leaf Chronicle, Sept. 20, 1981, Dorothy Dix Collection, Austin Peay State University, Clarksville, Tennessee

Kane p. 252.

Julia Cherry Spruill. Women's Life and Work In the Southern_Colonies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1972), p. 43.

Spectator. No. 55, 3 October 1712, quoted in Julia Cherry Spruill, Women's Life and Work In the Southern_Colonies (New York: W. W. Norton, 1972), p. 43.

Gerda Lerner, The Creation of Patriarchy New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), pp. 8-9, 96, 122, 139-141, 213, 215.

Elinor Howell Thurman, "The Merriwether-Crawford Lineage" (Clarksville, Tennessee: typewritten, 1973); Kane, pp. 7, 11, 12; Reverend E. A. Merriwether, Some Notes On the Family Merriwether of England and America (London, England: Research Publishing Company, 195-), pp. 7, 9, 23; Minor Meriwether, Lineage of the Meriwethers and the Minors From Colonial Times (St. Louis, Missouri: Nixon-Jones Printing Company, 1895), p. 5; Nelson Heath Meriwether, pp. xviii, 12, 13.

Rev. E. A. Merrywether, p. 24; Edmund Morgan, American_Slavery: American Freeman (New York, New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc., 1975), pp. 180, 181; Richard L. Morton, Colonial Virginia, 2 vols. (Chapel Hill, North Carolina: University of North Carolina, 1960), 1:153, 52, 58, 113, 189; Elizabeth T. Davis, Surrey County Records: 1652-1684 (Surrey County, Virginia: typewritten), pp. 17, 19, 61, 86, 113, 120, 124, 131; Lottie Wright Davis, Records of Lewis, Meriwether, and Kindred Families (Columbia, Missouri: Artcraft Press, 1951). p. 117; Nelson Heath Meriwether, pp. 2, 3, 14, 16; Lyon Gardiner Tyler, ed., Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, 5 vols. (New York, New York: Lewis Historical Publishing Company, 1915), 5:313: Robert Armistead Stewart and Rev. Clayton Torrence, Genealogy of Members: Sons of_Revolution in the State of Virginia (Richmond, Virginia: Mitchell and Hotchkiss, 1939),pp. 393-394; Emily J. Salmon, A Hornbook of Virginia History (Richmond Virginia: Virginia State Library, 1983), pp. 13-15, 103; Warren M. Billings, John E. Selby and Thad W. Tate, Colonial Virginia: A History (White Plains, New York: Kraus-Thomson Organization, Limited, 1986),p. 16; Phillip Alexander Bruce, Institutional History of_Virginia (New York: G. P. Putnam and Sons, 1910), p. 336, 484, 509, 588, 590; Frank L. Dewey, "The Waterson-Madison Episode," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 90 (1982): 165-170, 168; Nell Marion Nugent, Cavaliers and_Pioneers: Abstracts of Virginia Land Patents and Grants, 3 vols. (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, Inc., 1979) 1:xix, xx; "Notes and Queries," Virginia_Magazine of History and Biography 50 (1942): 360-369, 365;John Bennett Boddie, Seventeenth Century Isle of_Wight County Virginia (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., Inc., 1973), p. 172; "Extracts From the County Records," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 8 (1900): 171-183, 177; "Virginia Council Journal, 1726-1753,"Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 34 (1926): 97-112, 107; Beverly Fleet, Virginia Colonial_Abstracts (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1961), pp. 64, 92.

Stuart Bruchey, The Wealth of Nations (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), pp. 7-8. John Boddie, p. 111; Edmund Morgan, pp. 302, 17; Minor Meriwether, pp.12-14, 3; Bishop Meade, Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1854), pp. 130, 13, 42, 43, 404, 11-15; Nelson Heath Meriwether, pp. 52-53, 55, 60, 28-29, 40, 44, 46-47, 16, 70; Stuart Bruchey, pp. 7-8; Steward, p. 394; Billings, pp. 122-124, 134, 137, 139, 213, 205, 210-211; John Hammond Moore, Albemarle Jefferson's County:1727-1976 (Charlottesville, Virginia: University Press of Virginia, 1976), pp. 43, 10, 19; Thomas J. Wertenbaker, The Shaping of Colonial Virginia (New York, New York Russell and Russell, 1958), p. vii; Edward Meade, Historic Homes of the South-West Mountains Virginia (Bridgewater, Virginia: C. J. Carrier Company, 1962), pp.129, 137; William and Mary Stannard, The Colonial Virginia Register (Albany, New York: Joel Munsell's Sons, 1902), pp. 97-124; "Virginia Council Journal, 1726-1753,"Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 34 (1926) 97- 112, 107-111; George C. Mason, "The Colonial Churches of New Kent and Hanover Counties, Virginia," Virginia_Magazine of History and Biography 53 (1945): 243-264, 256; Louis Cognets, Jr., "English Duplicates of Lost Virginia Records," (Princeton, New Jersey: typewritten), pp. 2, 7, 10-12, 16, 37, 69, 159, 168; "Historical and Genealogical Notes and Queries," Virginia Magazine of_History and Biography 18 (1910): 191-203, 192; "Members of the House of Burgesses," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 3 (1901): 245-260, 247-248, 250; "Virginia Quit Rent Rolls, 1704 New Kent County Rent Roll," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 31 (1923): 224; Thomas Wertenbaker, The Planters of Colonial_Virginia (New York: Russell and Russell, 1958), pp. 218, 225; Bean R. Bennett, The Peopling of Virginia (Boston, Massachusetts: Chapman and Grimes, Inc., 1938), p. 129; "Virginia Council Journal, 1726-1753," Virginia Magazine_of History and Biography 34 (1926): 97-112; Rev. Edgar Woods, Albemarle County in Virginia (Harrisonburg, Virginia: C. J. Carrier Co., 1978), pp. 2, 270-271; Mrs. William Breckenridge Ardery, Kentucky Court and Other_Records 2 vols. (Lexington, Kentucky: Keystone Printery, 1926), 2:48; Lottie Wright Davis, pp. 32, 82.

John Boddie, p. 111; Edmund Morgan, pp. 302, 17; Minor Meriwether, pp.12-14, 3; Bishop Meade, Old Churches, Ministers and Families of Virginia (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1854), pp. 130, 13, 42, 43, 404, 11-15; Nelson Heath Meriwether, pp. 52-53, 55, 60, 28-29, 40, 44, 46-47, 16, 70; Stuart Bruchey, pp. 7-8; Steward, p. 394; Billings, pp. 122-124, 134, 137, 139, 213, 205, 210-211; John Hammond Moore, Albemarle Jefferson's County:1727-1976 (Charlottesville, Virginia: University Press of Virginia, 1976), pp. 43, 10, 19; Thomas J. Wertenbaker, The Shaping of Colonial Virginia (New York, New York:Russell and Russell, 1958), p. vii; Edward Meade, Historic Homes of the South-West Mountains Virginia (Bridgewater, Virginia: C. J. Carrier Company, 1962), pp129, 137; William and Mary Stannard, The Colonial Virginia Register (Albany, New York: Joel Munsell's Sons,1902), pp. 97-124; "Virginia Council Journal, 1726-1753,"Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 34 (1926) 97- 112, 107-111; George C. Mason, "The Colonial Churches of New Kent and Hanover Counties, Virginia," Virginia_Magazine of History and Biography 53 (1945): 243-264, 256; Louis Cognets, Jr., "English Duplicates of Lost Virginia Records," (Princeton, New Jersey: typewritten), pp. 2, 7, 10-12, 16, 37, 69, 159, 168; "Historical and Genealogical Notes and Queries," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 18 (1910): 191-203, 192; "Members of the House of Burgesses," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 3 (1901): 245-260, 247-248, 250;"Virginia Quit Rent Rolls, 1704 New Kent County Rent Roll," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography 31 (1923): 224; Thomas Wertenbaker, The Planters of Colonial_Virginia (New York: Russell and Russell, 1958), pp. 218, 225; Bean R. Bennett, The Peopling of Virginia (Boston, Massachusetts: Chapman and Grimes, Inc., 1938), p. 129; "Virginia Council Journal, 1726-1753," Virginia Magazine_of History and Biography 34 (1926): 97-112; Rev. Edgar Woods, Albemarle County in Virginia (Harrisonburg, Virginia: C. J. Carrier Co., 1978), pp. 2, 270-271; Mrs.William Breckenridge Ardery, Kentucky Court and Other_Records 2 vols. (Lexington, Kentucky: Keystone Printery,1926), 2:48; Lottie Wright Davis, pp. 32, 82.

Willard Rouse Jillson, Old Kentucky: Entries and Deeds (Louisville, Kentucky: Standard Printing Co., 1926), p.349; Willard Rouse Jillson, The Kentucky Land Grants (Louisville, Kentucky: Standard Printing Co., 1925), p. 249; Dr. Charles Meriwether, Land Deeds, 1804-1835, Meriwether Papers, Southern Historical Collection, UNC, Chapel Hill, North Carolina; Paul Conkin, The Southern_Agrarians (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1988), p. 43.

Harnett Kane, p. 29; Nelson Heath Meriwether, p. 173; W. D. Meriwether Obituary, Dorothy Dix Collection, Austin Peay State University, Clarksville, Tennessee; Clarksville_Weekly Chronicle 23 September 1871 (Vol 41, No. 47) 1; 4 April 1874 (Vol. 42, No. 9) 3; 3 May 1873 (Vol. 43, No. 25) 3; 23 August 1873 (Vol. 43, No. 41) 3; 18 October1873 (Vol. 43, No. 49) 3; 6 December 1873 (Vol.40, No. 6) 4; 16 May 1874 (Vol 45, No. 26) 3; 4 March 1876 (Vol. 43, No. 40) 3; 25 June 1881 (Vol 48, No. 52) 3.

Clarksville Weekly Chronicle. 16 August 1873 (Vol 43, No. 40) 3; 21 October 1876 (Vol 44, No. 21) 3; 20 March 1878 (Vol 45, No.42) 3; 29 March 1879 (Vol 40, No. 41) 3; 31 May 1879 (Vol 46, No. 50) 3.

 

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